By Lynn O'Brien Hallstein
Argues that expectancies for mothering contain a brand new middle precept of “body work.”
the necessities of “good” motherhood used to basically contain the care of youngsters, yet now modern moms also are burdened to turn into bikini-ready instantly postpartum. Lynn O’Brien Hallstein analyzes famous person mother profiles to figure out many of the ways in which they motivate all moms to have interaction in physique paintings because the energizing technique to resolve any work-life stability struggles they may event. Bikini-Ready Moms additionally considers the ways in which maternal physique paintings erases any facts of moms’ contributions either at domestic and in specialist contexts. Hallstein theorizes attainable how one can gas an important moms’ revolution, whereas additionally pointing to preliminary options of resistance.
“Bikini-Ready mothers contributes very much to knowing either the obsession with superstar mother profiles and the strain that moms are below to comply to and practice in depth mothering because it shifts into one other equipment to manage women.” — Fiona pleasure eco-friendly, writer of Practicing Feminist Mothering
Read or Download Bikini-Ready Moms: Celebrity Profiles, Motherhood, and the Body (SUNY series in Feminist Criticism and Theory) PDF
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Additional resources for Bikini-Ready Moms: Celebrity Profiles, Motherhood, and the Body (SUNY series in Feminist Criticism and Theory)
2). This neoliberal rationality, Brown also suggests, “reaches from the soul of the citizen-subject to education policy to practices of empire” (par. 7). Or, as Lee puts: “As many scholars assert, neoliberalism does not just shift state functions to the private sector but also functions as a mode of govermentality that CONTEMPORARY MOTHERHOOD 45 shifts strategies of the government to private individuals” (51). ’ The term is also intended to signify the modern importance of governing over ruling, and the critical role of mentality in governing as opposed to the notion that power and ideas are separate phenomena” (italics in original, endnote 2).
Although women’s paid work hours have increased during precisely the same decades, mothers paradoxically spend more time with their children now than they did in 1965” (6–7). Working mothers are also far more actively engaged with their children than full-time mothers were in previous generations (Bianchi et al; Lee, Sharon; Lovejoy and Stone; Mother Outlaws O’Reilly; Villalobos; Wolf ). Moreover, ﬁnancially, families, especially mothers, are investing in and spending more than ever before on their children, while also being more emotionally absorbed by and in their relations with their children (Coontz; Rosenfeld and Wise).
In short, even though both Douglas and Michaels and Hays argued that intensive mothering was labor intensive, this more recent scholarship suggests that intensive mothering is continuing to be reﬁned and developed such that it is even more demanding for mothers than it was when scholars ﬁrst named and detailed intensive mothering. This intensiﬁcation does not mean, however, that the three core principles of the new momism have changed. Rather, the core principles have only become more demanding and exacting for mothers and require mothers to devote even more time and energy to their mothering and children in order to be “good” mothers.