Copular Sentences in Russian: A Theory of Intra-Clausal by Asya Pereltsvaig

By Asya Pereltsvaig

This e-book offers a close learn and a singular Minimalist account of copular sentences in Russian, targeting case marking alternations (nominative vs. instrumental) and drawing a contrast among different types of copular sentences.

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Additional resources for Copular Sentences in Russian: A Theory of Intra-Clausal Relations (Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory)

Example text

Ni ja sama u to ne verujem. ” d. Ni sama ja u to ne verujem. neither alone I in that not believe [Serbo-Croatian] [Progovac 1998: 168] Assuming that these adjectives occupy a fixed syntactic position, the conclusion must be that pronouns occupy a structurally higher position than nouns. Similar facts from Polish are considered in Rutkowski (2002) and the same conclusion is drawn there. Russian facts too are analogous. Rappaport (1998), Engelhardt and Trugman (1998), and Trugman (2005) argue for the existence of DP in Slavic languages (specifically in Russian) on the basis of their examination of noun phrases with two genitives: (24) a.

Roberta pensa che [la figlia di un generale sia Maria]. ” b. *Roberta pensa che [figlia di un generale sia Maria]. ” c. *Roberta pensa che [alto sia Gianni]. subj Gianni intended: “Roberta thinks that it is Gianni who is tall. ” [Zamparelli 2000: 100] (44) a. Figlia di un generale è Maria. ” b. Alto è Gianni. ” From this I conclude that the bracketed string in (43a) is an TP and the bracketed strings in (43b) and (43c) are CPs. Thus, whether inversion of a copular sentence NOUNS AND THEIR EXTENDED PROJECTIONS 33 is done by A- or A -movement depends on the category of the post-copular phrase, namely, whether it is a DP or an NP/AP.

Moim luˇcšim drugom byl Oleg. ” (38) a. Oleg byl dovolen moej rabotoj. ” b. Dovolen moej rabotoj byl Oleg. ” As can be seen from the English translations, the inversion in sentences with the nom-nom pattern, on the one hand, and those with the nom-instr pattern or with a short-form adjective, on the other hand, does not lead to the same pragmatic results. What is even more telling is how the inversion works when anaphoric binding is introduced. The possessive anaphor svoj “self”s’ and the direct object anaphor soboj “himself” must be A-bound by an antecedent in the subject position, that is Spec-TP, as is the case for all reflexives in Russian (for a discussion of anaphoric binding in Russian, see Rappaport 1983, 1986).

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