State, Power and Community in Early Modern Russia: The Case by B. Davies

By B. Davies

Nation, energy and neighborhood in Early glossy Russia is a vibrant reconstruction of lifestyles in a single of the garrison cities outfitted on Muscovy's southern steppe frontier within the early Seventeenth-century to protect opposed to Tatar raids. It specializes in how the colonization procedure formed energy kinfolk in a specific southern garrison group, either on the village point, in the land commune, and on the district point, among the overall garrison group and the appointed officers representing nation authority.

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Additional resources for State, Power and Community in Early Modern Russia: The Case of Kozlov, 1635-1649

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Kozlov and the Pacification of the Nogai Front 35 Furthermore, the Crimean khanate still posed a serious threat to the Muscovite heartland as well. 10 An invading army of this size could push deep into the interior and cross the Oka to ravage the districts around Moscow or perhaps even fall upon the capital itself. Central Muscovy was attacked by Crimean Tatar armies in 1521, 1541, 1570–1572, 1591, and 1633. The most destructive of these attacks occurred in May 1571 when Khan Devlet Girei burned Moscow and sacked 35 other towns.

In fact it was in most instances blocked by the state until then, a series of acts called the Forbidden Towns Decrees (from 1637) banning all magnate colonization in many borderland districts in the interests of military security, so that boyars and monasteries might not undermine the new borderland garrison towns by usurping the plowlands, meadows, and woodlands smallholder garrison colonists needed for their survival. This allowed the state to dictate the socioeconomic composition of the borderland population, limiting it to smallholder garrison colonists performing local defense duty.

All of this of course required some expansion of local clerical staffs and their familiarization with chancellery rules of deloproizvodstvo, which was not achievable in some districts; so the best that could be hoped for was to concentrate on the reporting of information of higher priority related to resource mobilization. But the fact that the tsar stopped convening the Assembly of the Realm after 1653 suggests that Moscow was by then more confident about relying on local authorities to keep it informed of politically significant developments in the provinces.

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